Why Do They Hate Us?
by: John Zogby
October - November
2003
The Link - Volume 36, Issue 4
Page 5
Conclusions
Only months after September 11, 2001, Arabs had fundamentally positive views of American culture and life. No clash of civilizations was evident at all. Indeed, Arabs and Muslims actually admired a number of aspects of America, including our freedom and democracy. Information can play a critical role in developing mutual understanding. When President Bush proffered in the first days after September 11 that “they hate us. They hate our freedoms,” he was talking only about a minority – not, as our polling shows, much larger numbers of Arabs and Muslims.
Our polling has revealed there is a much greater basis for mutual understanding and a commonality of values. What has now become a cliché is that it is U.S. policy, not values and culture that many in this world (and not just Arabs and Muslims) resent. For those in the Middle East there is a singular importance to the issue of Palestine. Our polling shows that it is among the top three issues for at least 70% of Arabs surveyed in all countries, including Kuwaitis, who threw the Palestinians out in 1991. But what is remarkable is that it is not a political issue so much as a personal issue. It is self-identifying, emblematic, and defining for Arabs. It represents to Arabs—young and old, Shia and Sunni, rich and poor—the betrayal and humiliation that they have felt in the past century. In that sense, the Palestine issue is in the bloodstream of Arabs.
American policymakers, including those who would engage in public diplomacy, must understand the importance of Palestine for all Arabs as the sine qua non for sincere communications.
At the same time, our polling has been myth-shattering. Much has been written about the demographic explosion throughout the region. In Arab and Muslim countries, over half the populations are people under 25 years of age. That alone has suggested to scholars and pundits that this youth movement will become radicalized just as Baby Boomers did in the West during the 1960s. For those like Samuel Huntington, this demographic boom could only spell doom to relations with the West.
On the contrary, our survey research shows clearly that young people are most positively disposed toward the US and its culture. By far and away, they are more likely to admire and enjoy American movies and television, science and technology, music, and so on. They are about 15 points more likely to be favorable toward the American people. But they hate our policy.
Significantly, the polls show that there is a way to reach these young people: the Internet and satellite television. Contrary to other myths and misunderstanding, those young people in the Arab and Muslim world exposed to these tools are also more positively inclined toward America. These are great methods for establishing better understanding between American youth and Arab and Muslim youth.
But what will the message be? To date, US efforts at public diplomacy have been ham-handed. In the immediate aftermath of September 11, the Bush Administration commissioned a former Madison Avenue executive, Charlotte Beers, to develop a message and wage a campaign to win the hearts and minds of Muslims and Arabs. Secretary Beers certainly had advertising credentials (she successfully branded and marketed Uncle Ben’s rice) and the right disposition. Despite her sincere efforts, she failed miserably. What she did best – sophisticated television advertising and branding – was not what was needed. Her ads, which many Arab television networks refused to run, featured successful Muslims, like a female tri-athlete from Morocco and well-known Muslim Americans, all displaying values of tolerance, respect for others, etc. It was indeed an honest effort to communicate common values shared by both cultures.
But in this instance, the medium was not the message. Arabs bond with others through relationships and communal discussion. Americans were preaching, talking, arrogantly suggesting that it is the American way or the highway.
Any effort at bridging gaps between the West and the Arab and Muslim world will need to recognize that LISTENING IS MORE POWERFUL THAN TALKING, COMMUNICATING IS A TWO-WAY STREET.
The 2003 surveys reveal that serious damage has been done. But perhaps not irreparable damage. Arabs and Muslims may tell us today that they view the United States more negatively, but we are still in the eye of the storm, there is still suspicion on both sides. Hopefully the rhetoric on both sides will subside and meanwhile, the Bush Administration has at least launched a renewed effort at public diplomacy and has committed itself to achieving success with the roadmap to peace in the Arab-Israeli dispute.
One thing is certain however: things could not possibly get worse. We can only hope for, and work for, improved communications.
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